The Eco-Socialist Party
Brief: Climate Vanguard, 27 November 2024 [Updated 22 June 2026]
Introduction
The 21st century has witnessed numerous mass mobilisations around the world. Millions have risen up against war, racist police violence, economic austerity, soaring costs of living, climate breakdown, and Israel’s genocide in Palestine. And yet, our movements have been unable to credibly challenge, let alone uproot, the responsible systems: capitalism and imperialism.
In part two of this three-part series on eco-socialist transition, we examine the role of the revolutionary party in overcoming the left’s disarticulation and building social power for system change [a].
We first historicise the 20th-century downfall of the mass left parties and examine the movement conditions that have arisen in absence of such political formations. We then outline the functions, activities, and structure of a revitalised eco-socialist party. Finally, we examine four case studies of inspiring contemporary left parties.
when the party’s over
Socialist and communist parties were once a force to be reckoned with. From the late 19th to the mid-late-20th century, they built militant mass memberships that helped win key social concessions, like the eight-hour workday, the New Deal in the US, suffrage for women, and civil rights for racialised minorities [1, b]. They also powered struggles for national liberation in China, Vietnam, Guinea-Bissau, and many more.
However, due to a combination of historically contingent factors, mass left parties began to erode towards the end of the 20th century. Crucially, this history does not invalidate the party form itself, but rather sharpens our understanding of why they fell and the challenges that stand in the way of their reconstruction. With this in mind, let’s look at the four main historical reasons for the demise of mass left parties.
1. Social Democracy
The post-World War II consensus saw a wave of social-democratic parties come to power in Western European countries [2]. These parties instituted a range of popular social reforms, such as the National Health Service in Britain, the establishment of universal healthcare and education in Sweden, and the creation of the welfare state in West Germany [3].
These reforms undeniably improved working people’s lives and expanded social rights. But they were also shaped by a particular balance of forces in the Cold War era — a period in which the ruling class granted concessions to secure political stability and contain the appeal of communism. While the reforms empowered workers and raised their living standards, they also channelled outright class conflict into institutional bargaining, dampening more radical, anti-capitalist tendencies [4].
2. Global Division of Labour
These political concessions lowered the rate of exploitation in the Global North, limiting the amount of surplus-value the ruling class could extract from workers' labour [c]. For capitalism to survive, these lost profits had to be recouped elsewhere. This was enabled through a shift in the global distribution of commodity production [5].
In the second half of the 20th century, Northern capital increasingly relocated production to the Global South [6]. Corporations opened factories in countries across Asia and Latin America where production costs were comparatively low due to the large supply of unemployed workers, underdeveloped labour organisations, and weak socio-ecological regulations. This enabled an immense appropriation of value from the Global South [7].
Meanwhile, deindustrialisation in the Global North shuttered factories and liquidated millions of manufacturing jobs [8]. At the same time, neoliberal governments cracked down on the trade union movement, punishing workers who fought back.
This process of ‘class decomposition’ weakened the strength of the left. Workers were no longer shoulder-to-shoulder on the factory floor, but atomised and politically homeless. This led to the loss of working-class culture in the Global North and the political attraction of left parties [9].
3. Anti-Communism
Beginning after the 1917 Russian Revolution and intensifying during the Cold War, Global North governments, especially the US, strategically undermined left movements, parties, and states around the world [10].
First, they waged a multi-front anti-communist propaganda campaign [d]. For example, the CIA created institutional incentives for currents of Marxist thought that explicitly equated real-existing socialism with fascism [11]. This helped cleave the Western left from mass socialist projects in the East and the South [12]. The US also targeted leftwing individuals (e.g. academics, journalists, and labour organisers) through investigations, blacklists, and institutional purges [13].
Second, the US meddled in foreign elections where communist parties threatened victory. In Italy, for example, the US provided financial support to the Christian Democratic Party and waged an extensive propaganda campaign against the Italian Communist Party [14]. If leftwing governments were already in power, then the US frequently resorted to regime change [15, e]. In fact, since WWII, the US has overthrown over 35 foreign governments [16].
Finally, extreme violence was central to the war on communism. Both domestically and internationally, US security services supported the assassinations of party leaders, like Congolese president Patrice Lumumba in 1961 and Illinois Black Panther Party leader Fred Hampton in 1969 [17].
Where communist forces were too strong, the US restored to mass murder. For example, it assisted in the mass extermination of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI), which killed an estimated 500,000 to 1 million alleged PKI members between 1965 and 1966 [18]. At the time, the PKI was the largest communist party in the world outside of China and the USSR. To this day, it remains banned.
4. Dependence on the Soviet Union
Most mass left parties had a formal relationship with the Soviet Union, often through affiliation to the Communist International (commonly known as the Comintern). While this relationship provided material and ideological support, it also posed several significant challenges for communist parties’ development outside the USSR.
First, the actions and public perception of the Soviet Union often resulted in widespread disillusionment with affiliated communist parties. For example, the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) suffered an exodus of around one quarter of its members following Khrushchev’s 1956 ‘secret speech,’ in which he denounced Stalin’s crimes and the Soviet invasion of Hungary [19]. Many CPGB members were alienated from both the Soviet Union and their party leadership, which they felt had inadequately condemned Stalin [20].
Second, heavy ideological, economic, and logistical reliance on the Soviet Union meant that many communist parties were seriously weakened when it suddenly fell in 1991 – a blow most parties never recovered from [21].
Current Conditions
The absence of party-driven organising has allowed a set of interconnected issues to proliferate on the left. We highlight three in particular.
1. Movementism
In the 1960s, shifts in the global division of labour began to erode the large, membership-based unions, parties, and community organisations that had anchored working-class political power in the post-WWII era.
This led to a major evolution in political strategy: disciplined, mass organising to build enduring social power was overtaken by reactive mobilising to express discontent and raise awareness about single issues (e.g. police violence, climate action, reproductive rights) [22]. While these struggles are important in their own right, the strategic shift towards mobilising came at the expense of building lasting organisations that could target the common root causes (i.e. capitalism and imperialism) of these issues [23].
More recently, the “mass protest decade” of the 2010s, in which more people took to the streets than at any other point in human history, failed to yield any real system change [24, f].
2. Structurelessness
The tendency for movements to disavow centralised organising has often manifested as a loss of sustainable organisational structure altogether [25]. As a result, movements often struggle to make efficient decisions, establish political lines, distribute labour, articulate demands, and hold members to account [26].
The loss of these capacities not only undermines movements’ effectiveness but also their democratic character. As feminist organiser Jo Freeman discusses in The Tyranny of Structurelessness, informal power hierarchies tend to emerge when there are no formal leadership structures or clear roles, producing a group of elites that are not accountable to the rest of the movement [27]. At the same time, movements lack the necessary mechanisms to redress this oppressive organisational culture, diminishing both their liberatory potential and political efficacy [28].
3. Individualism
Disapproval of any form of centralised authority (even if democratic) in favour of individual self-expression eroded the collectivity that a party provides [29].
It is vital that our movements take intersectional oppression seriously. The need for solidarity across identity groups must be uplifted and diversity openly celebrated. However, an individualistic politics of identity, especially when devoid of class analysis, hinders collective power by dividing working and oppressed people into different identity camps [30]. Ultimately, it impedes organisations’ capacity to build a unified struggle against shared systems of oppression.
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As a result of these movement conditions, we are currently incapable of building the necessary social power for both short-term reform and long-term eco-socialist transformation. So, what is to be done?
Theorising the Eco-Socialist Party
The organisation that has historically enabled progressive forces to gain state power and initiate a transition away from capitalism and imperialism is the party. By “party,” we do not mean a bourgeois party, which is a ruling-class institution focused on winning elections.
Rather, we mean a revolutionary party, a “political instrument” that unites and coordinates the struggles of working and oppressed people into a common eco-socialist project [31]. As we show, running in elections may well be part of the party’s tactical toolbox, but it is just one of many and only used if it effectively advances the party’s revolutionary strategy. Let’s examine eco-socialist party’s functions, activities, and governance structures.
Functions
1. Unity
The transition from capitalism and imperialism to eco-socialism is, by definition, a majoritarian process. That is, it fundamentally depends on the masses of oppressed and exploited people coming together, rising up, and collectively transforming society.
Many people are already engaged in resistance against capitalism and imperialism, including through trade unions combatting exploitative bosses, direct action groups targeting big oil, and mass movements pressuring genocidal politicians [32]. This is because the profit imperative of capital is in direct contrast with people’s interests [33]. Much like gravity compels an apple to fall, this class antagonism breeds grassroots resistance.
However, these movements often struggle in isolation from each other, resulting in their vulnerability to the “divide and conquer” tactics of the ruling class. Capitalism and imperialism give rise to resistance, but they do not unify them into a coherent front. This is the job of the eco-socialist party. It overcomes atomisation by forging an “organised collectivity,” or a people’s bloc, of social movements and communities that are united in the common objective of building eco-socialism [34, g].
2. Direction
More than just unifying a people’s bloc, the eco-socialist party provides direction to its struggle.
A new world cannot simply be wished into being. Nor can we assume that a transition away from capitalism and imperialism will take place based on the disjointed struggles of progressive political forces, even if they share a common goal. Eco-socialist transition is a conscious process that must be guided by a strategy to shift the balance of power, including state power, and transform the social relations of society at scale [35].
Such a strategy establishes a structural vision of a world transformed, an analysis of the dominant systems in the world today, and an assessment of the current conditions [36]. It determines situational objectives that enable the people’s bloc to defeat opposing forces, shift the balance of power, and advance the struggle towards liberation [37].
This does not invalidate the strategies devised by other movement organisations to win more targeted, issue-specific reforms; these are crucial contributions that give life to the people’s bloc [38]. But these efforts must also be coordinated according to an explicit strategy for system change [39].
The party is a compass for the people’s bloc, providing the necessary direction for it to navigate the turbulent, unpredictable path towards an eco-socialist north star.
3. Endurance
Eco-socialist transition is a process, not an event. It is a protracted struggle to overcome the social relations that have been constructed and maintained by centuries of capitalist domination. As such, the question of endurance becomes an essential part of revolutionary organising.
Anyone who has been part of a mass mobilisation feels the burning necessity of this question. How can the collective power that is conjured up during these moments be sustained? How can the people’s capacity to express their will be extended? How can the energy be carried forwards? Like lightning in a bottle, the eco-socialist party absorbs, concentrates, and re-deploys the energy of the masses at the most decisive moments of struggle.
It does this by providing the organisational infrastructure for endurance. It trains masses of organisers in the practicalities of revolutionary work, including robust political education and criticism and self-criticism. Indeed, the party enables collective political memory, passing down accumulated knowledge to new generations of organisers who can pick up and carry forward the struggle for liberation [40].
Activities
The functions of unity, direction, and endurance are borne out in the activities of the eco-socialist party. Below, we name four potential activities, although their exact shape depends on the conditions in which the party is operating.
1. Campaign Coordination
The party must engage in popular campaigns that align with its strategy and programme. This can take many forms.
In times of crisis (e.g. October 7th), the party could devise a coordinated response that triangulates and directs diverse social forces in a common trajectory. Campaign coordination could also be as simple as the party providing a physical meeting space where social movements can meet each other and cross-pollinate strategies and tactics [41].
Effective coordination means respecting social movement autonomy [42]. All attempts at domination and manipulation must be avoided [43]. The party is not trying to claim ownership over every struggle, but to help social movements synthesise and concentrate complementary efforts on decisive leverage points [44].
2. People’s Infrastructure
In the revolutionary process, the party must work to further the self-development of every person, i.e. their ability to reach their full potential [45]. This is achieved by building a people's infrastructure that both meets immediate material needs and stimulates cultural horizons.
For example, the party could create survival programmes like a free food programme or mental health programme, as well as crisis response programmes, like spaces for survivors of gendered violence or relief initiatives for climate disaster zones [46]. It could also create people's theatres, music festivals, sports clubs, and cooking collectives, bringing diverse people together around shared cultural interests and passions [47].
By forging spaces for popular participation and human development, the eco-socialist party weakens the mental stranglehold of capitalism, raising the political consciousness of the people and igniting their desire for revolutionary change [48].
3. Political Education
To become protagonists of liberation, people require clarity about the systems driving their oppression and confidence in an eco-socialist world [49]. This is only possible through political education that combines theory with practice.
On this basis, the party could create campaigns centred on people's motivations and needs, whether it be reducing the power of a racist police force, improving access to nutritious food, or seeking funding for an ailing local library [50].
In the process of advancing a specific campaign, people encounter the obstacles imposed on them by capitalism and imperialism [51]. These experiences are political education in their own right, but they are also complemented and enriched by more formal methods offered by the party, whether it be a public seminar, a reading circle, or a podcast [52].
Political education awakens people to the possibilities of another world and the generations of struggle to bring it to life.
4. Electoral Leverage
The party must participate in elections, allowing it to agitate against capitalism and imperialism and gauge support for eco-socialist ideas [53].
However, it should only do so once it has accumulated sufficient social strength, providing it with enough force to win elections and prevent bourgeois co-option. The party could then effectively triangulate campaign, provisioning, and cultural areas of work with parliamentary concessions.
Organisational Structure
The structure of a party has an immense impact on its efficacy. We outline two of the most important features.
1. Mass Membership
To unify and coordinate a people’s bloc, the party must forge a mass membership structure adapted to varying capacity levels.
First, those with the most capacity would form the stable core of the party [54]. Typically known as ‘cadre,’ these are highly-trained members responsible for orchestrating and implementing the party’s activities. Shaped by a combination of life and political experience, cadre have a level of consciousness that leads them to wholly devote themselves to the party.
Second, a tier should exist for people who are attracted to a specific community or area of work (e.g. healthcare, education, culture) [55]. These members are not full-time organisers, and as such, their level of political activity may fluctuate depending on other life commitments, but they are regularly engaged in some aspect of party work.
Finally, those who only show up for large mobilisations, party-led events, or during election cycles would form the lowest tier [56]. This accounts for the broadest set of people who support the party but only have limited capacity to make active contributions.
2. Democratic Leadership
At annual gatherings, elected delegates from the party membership discuss and vote on strategic objectives. They also elect a leadership that is equally subordinated and empowered to execute the majoritarian strategic direction [57]. Members, including those who hold a minority position, are then expected to follow the line of the leadership to the extent that it fulfils its democratic mandate [58, h]. More concretely, this resembles members at lower levels of the party creatively applying instructions from the leadership in a way that fits their local context [59].
Democratic leadership avoids the pitfalls of, on the one hand, ‘ultra-democracy,’ in which every course of action is scrutinised by the entire membership to the point of paralysis, and, on the other, ‘bureaucratic centralism,’ in which a leadership disregards democratic input to the point of authoritarianism [60]. Instead, it strikes a healthy balance that can be adjusted based on the political context.
For example, in times of crisis, where quick decision-making is required to coordinate unified action, the balance will tip in the direction of leadership. On the other hand, down periods afford more discussion and critique, necessary components in sharpening and strengthening the party’s position.
It's important to recognise the historical tendency for mass parties to become stale and devolve into bureaucratic centralism. This history does not invalidate the necessity of the party form, nor should it deter us from working to revitalise it. Instead, we must learn the lessons of this history as we move forward, implementing checks and balances (e.g. term limits, mechanisms for recall, capping salaries at the average national income level etc.) that mitigate against such risks.
The 21st Century Party
With this theory of the eco-socialist party in mind, we turn to four contemporary examples of promising party formations. For each, we highlight specific strengths that align with features of the theoretical eco-socialist party.
The Workers’ Party of Belgium (PTB)
In 2008, a process began of reviving the Workers’ Party of Belgium (Partie du Travail de Belgique, or PTB) from a fringe Maoist party to what can now be described as, “a locomotive” pulling Belgian politics to the left [61]. Today, the PTB has over 25,000 members (up from 8,500 members in 2014) and in the most recent federal election, it won 10.7% of the vote and 15 seats in Parliament [62].
The PTB’s rise can largely be attributed to their political reorientation towards the needs of the working class [63]. This shift inspired many changes, from the implementation of an accessible, tiered membership structure to a revised communications strategy. It also pushed the PTB to develop a strong presence in campaigns, social movements, labour strikes, and demonstrations – that is, where working people are already organising and expressing their interests and concerns [64].
This can be seen through the active role of PTB-affiliated organisations in various campaigns. For example, RedFox, the party’s youth wing, has been deeply involved in anti-racist and climate justice mobilisations [65]. Similarly, Zelle, the PTB-affiliated socialist-feminist organisation, has coordinated with other groups to revive International Women's Rights Day in Belgium [66].
It is also evident among organised labour, where the PTB has “taken the trade union world by storm” by winning over union sectors and influencing key decisions [67]. For example, the PTB was able to unite the two biggest trade unions in Belgium behind a call for “peace” in Ukraine following Russia’s invasion [68]. Crucially, this also involves partnering with unions and bolstering their demands. If you show up to a picket line in Belgium, there is “9 out of 10 chances of running into a PTB member” [69].
Finally, the PTB is responsible for launching a number of campaigns that have crowded in support from disparate forces on the Belgian left. One example is the PTB’s long-standing campaign for a wealth tax on the richest 2%, which, after years of sustained work, has been adopted by the Socialist Party and the Greens, increasing the momentum behind this popular reform [70].
The United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV)
In 1998, Hugo Chávez was elected president of Venezuela, marking the start of the Bolivarian Revolution. The objectives of the Revolution are laid out in the 1999 Bolivarian Constitution, which was passed by popular referendum.
The Constitution stresses the need to “develop the creative potential of each human being and the full enjoyment of his or her personality in a democratic society” [71]. It also states that “all men and women have the right to the free development of their personality” [72]. The Constitution asserts that the way to achieve these objectives is by enabling the “participation of the people in forming, carrying out and controlling the management of public affairs” [73]. To help realise this, the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela, or PSUV) was founded in 2007.
Shortly after its establishment, the PSUV signed up 7 million members across the country, most of whom were previously politically disengaged and non-organised [74]. For these millions of people, the party offers a tangible vehicle to influence the country’s direction of travel, both by exerting pressure on the inherited state and through means of autonomous self-management [75].
Indeed, the PSUV supported the establishment of local communes that are given autonomy over infrastructure and social projects, and held to account by citizen’s assemblies. The PSUV also encouraged the creation of worker cooperatives by offering training programmes, loans, and tax exemptions [76].
By facilitating popular participation in the process of building a new society, the PSUV was able to develop lasting social power that still sustains the Bolivarian Revolution today. Recalling Chávez, “hearts and minds are won in practice by creating opportunities for people to begin to understand the project while they are engaged in building it” [77].
France Unbowed (LFI)
Since 2017, France Unbowed (La France Insoumise, or LFI) has become the most powerful left force in France. Among a range of activities, LFI has a strong focus on political education.
This begins with Institut la Boétie – LFI’s affiliated think tank – which develops the ideas necessary to wage an ideological offensive against the right. For example, La Boétie was instrumental in popularising the term “ecological planning” – now on the lips of right-wing President Macron [78]. La Boétie has also published a piece titled “France, Thanks to Immigration” and a report on the history of “gender fluidity and transness, from antiquity until today” to combat widespread anti-immigrant and transphobic rhetoric, respectively [79].
But LFI doesn’t stop there. They also invest heavily in the means necessary to build a social majority that can rally behind these ideas. Such efforts include establishing local “action groups” that support existing struggles and campaigns that align with LFI’s programme, the creation of an affiliated TV channel, and an LFI summer school [80]. All of this is part of a carefully crafted strategy to popularise leftwing ideas and build popular consciousness through action.
The Communist Party of Austria (KPÖ)
Even as much of the European Left has stalled (e.g. Syriza, Podemos, Corbyn’s Labour Party), the Communist Party of Austria (Kommunistische Partei Österreichs, or KPÖ) has risen. By triangulating direct material support, alliance work, and electoral leverage, the KPÖ has entered into the lives of everyday people [81].
One example of this model can be seen in the KPÖ’s tenants organising programme in Graz (Austria’s second largest city). This decades-long programme has included a tenants hotline, legal counselling, and successful campaigns for rent controls. In addition, by successfully running in local elections, the KPÖ has supplemented these efforts through positions of institutional power. While in charge of the local council’s Department of Housing, the KPÖ was able to pass further housing reforms, like requiring that all public housing units have their own bathroom [82].
Through this model, the KPÖ has been able to gain increasing popular support, and translate it into further electoral victories. In 2021, the KPÖ won the local council election in Graz, and by applying a similar model in Salzburg, it won 11.7% of the vote in 2023 (up from 0.4% in 2018) [83]. These victories have, in turn, enabled the KPÖ to further bolster their grassroots organising.
Conclusion
We are living in a world-historical moment.
Capitalism and imperialism have produced crises so severe, so overwhelming, that they threaten the very habitability of our planet. Logically, addressing these crises requires uprooting their systemic drivers. But, the crucial question is “how?”
The answer does not lie in imposing a new world on the people, but in cultivating their desire for it. People must be persuaded of eco-socialism, not just by its programmatic vision, but more importantly, through the worldview it prescribes. Only when people make sense of the world differently – when the migrant becomes a comrade, the boss the enemy, and the planet our only home – will we break free of capitalist immiseration.
The party is the organisation that can build a new eco-socialist collectivity, and when the time comes, transmute accumulated social strength into enduring political power. The task, then, is to develop the strategies to bring the eco-socialist party to life [84]. Political strategy is the subject of the final part of this three-part series on eco-socialist transition.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Gina de Boer, Lina Pitz, Angus Greig, Maya Linnea Nyegaard, Harry Holmes, James Schneider, Kai Heron, and Chris Saltmarsh for their generosity of time and invaluable feedback on this brief.
Notes
[a] Parts one and three of this series focus on the role of the state in the struggle for eco-socialism and eco-socialist strategy, respectively.
[b] The New Deal is often lauded as a progressive triumph for working people. However, it is important to note that its popular programmes, such as the Civilian Conservation Corps, excluded many groups, including women, gender-diverse people, racialised minorities, and Indigenous people. At the same time, the construction of New Deal infrastructure projects, such as the Hoover Dam, served as the justification to remove Indigenous people from their land, displacing thousands and further advancing the US’ illegal settler-colonial offensive against Indigenous national sovereignty (Estes, 2019).
[c] Surplus-value is the difference between the total value a worker produces during their working time and the wage they are paid for that labour (i.e. the price of their labour power). This is the secret of profit-making and the reason why capitalism is inherently exploitative (Marx, 1867).
[d] To learn more about this, Climate Vanguard’s our video Anti-Communist Myth-Busting with Jason Hickel.
[e] Anti-communist violence can also take the form of economic sanctions or blockades. These measures deny countries access to international markets and vital resources for development, ultimately depriving working-class people of the goods and services necessary to lead a dignified life. For example, unilateral US and EU sanctions are estimated to have killed 38 million people since 1970 (Hickel et al., 2025).
[f] In fact, in cases where mass protests toppled regimes, it was usually the military or right-wing forces that were sufficiently organised to take power (Bevins, 2023).
[g] Amílcar Cabral refers to a bloc as “the people,” a specific group united behind a specific objective, one not to be confused with a disconnected “general population” (e.g. in Cabral’s context, the people were those united behind the objective of defeating Portuguese colonialism) (Cabral, 1979). For our purpose, we can call the group united behind the objective of realising eco-socialism the people’s bloc.
[h]Although members in the minority must respect the outcome of a majority decision, they should not surrender their ideological, political, or theoretical convictions. Oftentimes, people in the minority might have foresight on something that has not become plainly obvious. By continuing to wage a line struggle, they help prepare the party for shifting conditions (Harnecker, 2007).
[1] Alexander Trachtenberg, ‘The History of May Day,’ marxists.org, March 2002.;
Jodi Dean, Crowds and Party (Verso, 2016).;
[4] Max Ajl, A People’s Green New Deal (Pluto Press, 2021).
Max Ajl, A People’s Green New Deal (Pluto Press, 2021).
Max Ajl, A People’s Green New Deal (Pluto Press, 2021).
[10] Vincent Bevins, The Jakarta Method (Public Affairs, 2020).;
[11] Hilton Kramer, ‘What was the Congress for Cultural Freedom?’, New Criterion, 8, no. 5 (1990).
Alex Park, ‘The CIA Undermined Postcolonial Africa From the Start’, Jacobin, 7 November 2021.
[18] Vincent Bevins, The Jakarta Method (Public Affairs, 2020).;
Raphael Samuel, The Lost World of British Communism (Verso, 2017).
Jodi Dean, Crowds and Party (Verso, 2016).
[23] Jodi Dean, Crowds and Party (Verso, 2016).
[25] Jodi Dean, Crowds and Party (Verso, 2016).
Jodi Dean, Crowds and Party (Verso, 2016).;
[27] Jo Freeman, ‘The Tyranny of Structurelessness’, jofreeman.com, 1972.
[28] Jodi Dean, Crowds and Party (Verso, 2016).
[29] Ibid.
[30] Isabelle Garo, Communism and Strategy: Rethinking Political Mediations (Verso, 2023).;
Jodi Dean, Crowds and Party (Verso, 2016).
[31] Archie Woodrow, ‘There Are Parties and Then There Are Parties’, Prometheus, 22 November 2024.;
Marta Harnecker, Rebuilding the Left (Zed Books, 2007).
[32] James Schneider, Our Bloc: How We Win (Verso, 2022).
[33] Ibid.
[34] Marta Harnecker, Rebuilding the Left (Zed Books, 2007).;
James Schneider, Our Bloc: How We Win (Verso, 2022).;
Donald Parkinson, ‘Without a Party, We Have Nothing’,Cosmonaut, 14 November 2020.
[35] ‘Eco-Socialism and the State’, Climate Vanguard, 9 September 2024.
[36] Steve Williams, ‘LeftRoots’ Liberatory Strategy Toolkit’, LeftRoots, n.d. accessed 19 December 2025.
[37] Ibid.
[38] Marta Harnecker, Rebuilding the Left (Zed Books, 2007).
[39] Ibid.
[40] Ibid.
[41] Ibid.
[42] Ibid.
[43] Ibid.
[44] Ibid.
[45] Ibid.
[46] ‘Feeding the Revolution: On Climate Survival Programmes’, Climate Vanguard, 30 November 2023.
[47] Adam Sacks, ‘When Social Democracy Was Vibrant’, Jacobin, 6 November 2017.
[48] Marta Harnecker, Rebuilding the Left (Zed Books, 2007).
[49] Vijay Prashad, ‘Class 6 - The Tactics of National Liberation’, The People’s Forum, March 2025.
[50] Marta Harnecker, Rebuilding the Left (Zed Books, 2007).
[51] James Schneider, Our Bloc: How We Win (Verso, 2022)
[52] Ibid.
[53] V. I. Lenin, The Election Campaign and the Election Platform (Progress Publishers, 1974).
[54] Marta Harnecker, Rebuilding the Left (Zed Books, 2007).
[55] Ibid.
[56] Ibid.
[57] Ibid.
[58] Ibid.
[59] Liu Shaoqi, ‘On the Party’, Liu Shaoqi Reference Archive, March 2004.
[60] Marta Harnecker, Rebuilding the Left (Zed Books, 2007).
[61] Marc Botenga, ‘How Marxists Are Winning Belgium’, Jacobin, 12 May 2019.;
[66] Ibid.
[67] Pascal Delwit, ‘The Labor Party of Belgium (PTB-PVDA): A Modern Radical Left Party?’, Frontiers in Political Science, 11 May 2022.
[68] Ibid.
[69] Gille Feyaerts, ‘The emergence of the PTB: "An amazing story" - The history of the renewal movement since 2004’, PTB.be, 21 November 2021.
[70] Marc Botenga, ‘How Marxists Are Winning Belgium’, Jacobin, 5 December 2019.
[71] Marta Harnecker, Rebuilding the Left (Zed Books, 2007).
[72] Ibid.
[74] Steven Ellner, ‘Venezuela’s Fragile Revolution’, Monthly Review, 69, no. 5 (2017).
[79] Ibid.
Pablo Castańo Tierno, ‘The Politics of France Insoumise’, Jacobin, 16 February 2018.
[81] Lukas Hermsmeier, ‘When There’s A Communist Running City Hall’, The Nation, 28 February 2023.
[83] Adam Baltner, ‘Austria’s Communists Are Showing How Class Politics Is Done’, Jacobin, 27 April 2023.
[84] James Schneider, ‘Building the Party’, New Left Review, 25 July 2025.